Saturday, August 09, 2003
Wednesday, June 18, 2003
Shutting Down Integrity
I've been thinking about this for some time now, and I think it is time to end Integrity. I know, some of you slyly will point out that not much will change then, seeing as I rarely post anymore as it is. I've long strayed from my original purpose in starting this blog -- an effort to look at ChristiFideles Laici and help highlight the full nature of the lay vocation. Although that still remains an interest of mine, I'm just no longer interested in posting analyses of paragraphs of that document. In part, because there never was any of the interaction I hoped the posts would generate; in part because the Pope does tend to take five pages to say what can be said in one.
But more than that, I've just concluded that my own spiritual life has deteriorated since starting this blog. Well, not since the beginning, but over the long haul. And I've got to do something about that. St. Blog's has a lot of great things going for it and I appreciate and have developed a kinship for many of its members. But at the same time, I suspect that the very thing that gave it birth -- reporting on what everyone calls The Situation -- will be its downfall. I suppose it is hard to avoid during these times, but I find myself among a minority concerned about the growing cynical attitude expressed around St. Blog's about bishops. Yes, it's alright for people to post how they are feeling. I understand that there are many who find that cathartic or that's how they process the day's events -- through their emotions. But I find it ironic to see many behave as they shouldn't in the very act of complaining about bishops behaving as they shouldn't. I'm well aware of the stress and suffering The Situation has caused for Catholics, and am willing to cut people slack. But among some -- especially certain priest-participants in St. Blog's -- it is just shocking at how dismissive they are about any possible need to rethink how they express their criticism of bishops. It is as if to do so is tantamount to saying criticism is not permitted.
But truly that's a bit of a digression. Certainly a factor, but not the overriding reason. (So, please, no posts below suggesting I'm overreacting or asking me to name names or any of that.) In the end, I think continuing to participate in St. Blog's is detrimental for me spiritually. I'm finding more of that culture of complaint I've talked about before. Maybe that's the inherent disadvantage of the medium. Blogs really are poor at facilitating common prayer -- at most you can post a prayer and prayer request and maybe people will respond in a comments section -- and original content tends to be far and between given the time it takes to generate and how few bloggers care to read posts that go on for screens as a magazine article would. So in the end we get analyses of news, which by its nature tends to be bad news. And in these times, people tend to react to bad news badly.
Okay, enough of my rambling. I'm sure many of you will think I'm in left-field on this one. I'll leave the blog up for the rest of the month to let anyone download copies of any posts they might want to review later on. After that, unless circumstances change, I'll be closing Integrity's doors.
Update: At the request of Chris of Veritas, I will leave up the site at the end of the month so the archives will be available (assuming blogspot doesn't take down the site) for those who want continued access to them. I'll just shut down the comments section.
Friday, May 23, 2003
A New Pistons Era?
Last night my beloved Detroit Pistons lost a third straight game to the New Jersey Nets and stand ready to be swept. But I can't stop smiling. Much like team President Joe Dumars. Because the biggest victory of the night happened a half hour before tip-off when the stars aligned and the Pistons got the number 2 pick in the NBA Draft! Darko will be a Piston! (By all indications Dumars isn't going to pass up an aggressive seven-footer with a low-post and outside game who is only seventeen.) A dominant power forward is what you need to compete in the NBA these days. Very few of them in the East. New Jersey better enjoy their trip to the finals. They aren't going to get there anytime soon again.
Monday, April 28, 2003
Thoughts On Mercy
Amy Welborn has posted some thoughts on mercy prompted by this past Sunday being Divine Mercy Sunday. She asks her readers to consider whether they truly believe in mercy for themselves. That reminds me of a long-running thought of mine about a sentence we say at every Mass: "Lord, I am not worthy to receive you, but only say the word and I shall be healed." It is a fascinating sentence. I used to think that the first part had the real meat: recognizing, even if only partly, the reality of being a sinner and the effect of sin on our lives and to our relationship with God. Over the years, though, I have become convinced that the second part is meaty, too. Sometimes we really don't behave like we believe that Christ came to heal us and stands ready to do so always. We become an impediment to our acceptance of the mercy God wants to extend to us. I suppose both of these problems are better though than the person who doesn't take the sentence seriously at all and just mutters the words each week. Lord, I believe, help me in my unbelief.
Friday, April 11, 2003
Thursday, April 10, 2003
Technology Is Incredible
Unbelievable. If I have done this right, I have just posted to Integrity without a computer and from the comfort of my couch. Maybe tomorrow from a cab.
Monday, March 24, 2003
Update On The War
Although it isn't unsual for this blog, Integrity has been quite for some time now. I'm sure a few of you -- maybe -- are wondering about my thoughts on the war. Well, it's what I think about most these days, so I figured I would offer an update.
As many of you are aware, I was not convinced by the available evidence that this invasion met the just war criteria. I still haven't been convinced. But that's a bit of a moot point now. I am satisfied, though, that the U.S. and the other members of the coalition have been conducting this war properly: avoiding civilian casualties and using only as much force as is necessary. The fact that the majority of Marines lost in combat so far were lost because Iraqi forces faked that they were surrendering to the Marines, only to ambush them, speaks volumes about the differences in how our two countries approach war. As disgusting as it was, it came as no surprise that Iraq would violate the Geneva Convention regarding prisoners of war less then twenty-four hours after having pledged to abide by it.
This is a time for prayer. I must admit being too riveted at times to pray as much as I should. My brother is a 2nd Lt. in the Marine Corps. I am thankful beyond belief that he is not in the Middle East and is unlikely to be deployed. Because my brother is a Marine, I feel a certain kinship to all Marines and cannot turn away when I hear news of them or, in this surreal world that we live in, see with the rest of the world a live feed of one of their battles.
A few words need to be said about a lot of the news coverage. First, I have seen some pro-war types talk about how anti-war folks should admit that they were wrong given how the war has proceeded. Well, some anti-war folks should admit they don't have a brain, but the rest of us never doubted our military superiority and ability to win victory on the battlefield. Our concerns are more long-term than that. And I hate to remind people, but I must: we've only had about 100 hours of war and seen the "easy" part.
The other item that needs mentioning is the silly expectations of the news media. After reports of casualties started coming in, numerous members of the news media began to ask military strategists if we were too optimistic and overconfident about how the war would go and whether we were experiencing significant setbacks. Why, oh, why are we tortured by having to listen to these highly-paid teleprompter readers? Although the loss of any life is to be mourned, casualties have been incredibly low, at least in terms of killed in action and probably also in terms of wounded in action. And the only people who seemed to have the false expectations about what war would be like is the media! I just wish they would have the guts to admit that the media reported things as if this was a video game and not shift the blame for being too optimistic on to others when they were wrong. The media also doesn't have any sense of scale. They call small skirmishes battles. They react to news of 10 dead as if that ripped the heart out of a column of some tens of thousands of troops.
At least the media is doing one thing right: foregoing (for the most part) the political talking heads. These people have no expertise whatsoever, but they feel free to give wild and speculative answers on anything. Give me a good military man's "I don't know, Sir," anyday to that garbage. Last thing I need is Bill Kristol or others like him giving me analysis of military battles.
Update: Bleh. The Fox News celebrities must have been complaining about the preemption of their shows. So now we get the regular lineup, such as Hannity and Colmes -- has there ever been a show format that was so devoid of content? --, and the talking heads giving us war coverage. What garbage. Not to mention talking heads speculating and prognosticating on what they read in the latest Reuters newsire. Congrats, Fox News! Just lost me as a viewer.
Sunday, March 09, 2003
Coming to Chicago? Stay With Monks
An interesting story from today's Sun-Times about the Benedictine monastery in the city of Chicago and the bed and breakfast that they run.
Thursday, March 06, 2003
What This Average Citizen Wanted To Hear The President Say
For the past several months I have felt like a fish out of water. I'm conservative in my philosophy, Republican in my voting. But when it comes to the question of whether war against Iraq is justified, I find myself on the same side -- if not for the same reasons -- as mostly liberal Democrats. Based on what I know to date, I remain skeptical that Saddam Hussein currently poses an imminent threat of grave, lasting and certain damage to the United States.
President Bush will get no argument from me that Saddam is a terror and that the world would be better off if he was not in power. Similarly, I see little likelihood that Saddam will wake up tomorrow and decide to comply with the U.N. resolutions. I hope that war and regime change bring about all the positives that the administration and war advocates cite: democracy and liberation for the Iraqi people, stability in the Middle East, elimination of a funding source for terrorism, and prevention of future attacks. However, I can't avoid the conclusion that this is not much more than a string of optimistic assertions. I pray to God military action will be that successful, but I don't see yet actual plans to realize those benefits.
In the end, though, my troubles return to the question of whether preemptive military action is the correct response to the threat Saddam poses. When I read that the President was going to hold an unscheduled news conference on the subject of Iraq, I naively hoped the President might take this question on. President Bush told us that the cost of inaction is too high; we must not wait until Saddam uses weapons of mass destruction against us. As much as I agree with that view, I struggle to understand what principle the President is relying on to prevent his case for war from being just a first-strike argument.
No reporter really pressed him on this point. Yes, we heard questions of why so many other countries don't see the threat as the President does. What we didn't hear were questions that drill down to how the President sees the threat. So here's what I would have asked if given the opportunity (with due credit to Tom Kreitzberg for the concept for the hypothetical). I would have said, "Mr. President, many people in the United States and around the world doubt that Saddam poses an imminent threat to us and they are unclear as to how you have reached the opposite conclusion. To help people understand your evaluation of the situation, would you address two questions in the context of the following hypothetical?" The hypothetical I would raise is a simple one: an encounter on the street with a stranger who has a knife.
In true reporter fashion, I would then proceed to ask a multi-part question. "First, Mr. President, when is the stranger a sufficient threat to justify shooting him? For example, is it when the knife is in his pocket? When it is in his hand, but at his side? When he holds the knife out pointed at you? Or is it when the stranger raises his arm over his head ready to swing the knife in attack?" An honest response would help everyone evaluate how grave of a harm the President believes is necessary to justify violence. To date, the administration has given me no significant clues.
"Second, Mr. President, many people, if asked, would say that our situation with Saddam is akin to the stranger with the knife in his pocket. Do you disagree with that view? If so, what can you say that would dissuade them?" An honest response might reveal some additional facts or connect the dots in a new fashion that more cogently makes the case for why we must act now.
It is only in addressing these questions and concerns does the President stand a chance in increasing public support for the probable war with Iraq. Here's one average citizen who hopes he takes on the challenge.
Monday, March 03, 2003
I promised that I would post this a few days ago, but got delayed. If you find yourself often complaining how there are no good movies out there, check out this website for the upcoming movie, Therese, a feature-length film about St. Therese of Lisieux by Luke Films that is scheduled for theatrical release in October 2003. Say a prayer for their efforts to bring this movie to theaters, and if you can help them in other ways, consider it.
Monday, February 24, 2003
A Question Bound To Irk People
I'm sure I will get flames for this, but I think it's worth thinking about: does just war theory support a preemptive strike by Saddam in order to protect his country from attack by the United States? I would suggest that the case, frankly, is probably stronger (on the imminence prong at least) for preemptive action by Saddam than the U.S. Now before I get a bunch of mindless flames, such as, "Well, that proves Just War theory is junk!", here is my point. If you are for preemptive war when there is no imminent threat, you really ought to think about what other restraints you are putting in the system in its place. Maybe thinking about the facts from this viewpoint will help bring that home.
Tuesday, February 18, 2003
Dynamic vs. Static
I know it seems like I am the token anti-war apologist in St. Blog's. (Apologies to McGuinness, but I like the term for shorthand.) I post on the possibilities for war for two reasons: (1) because I'm trying to work out my own thoughts on the subject, and (2) I'm trying to raise questions that I fear many aren't considering when they reach their own conclusions about whether war with Iraq is justified.
It shouldn't need repeating, but I think there are reasonable arguments on both sides of the issue. Personally, for me the concerns raised in the "Nuclear Question" post below weigh too heavily on my mind to put me on the pro-war side of the fence right now. No one has shown me an alternative restraint on war once we reduce the "certain" portion of "grave, lasting and certain" down so it can be met with a mere hypothetical threat. And no one has taken me up on my first post by trying to address the other planks of just war doctrine to reduce my uneasiness.
At the end of the day, I don't expect pro-war folks to agree with me. But I would like to see them make their case more persuasively. So I throw out another consideration that I fear is being overlooked: just war analysis is dynamic not static. I've gotten the sense from some that once they concluded that war would be justified they have shut out the possibility -- particularly in evaluating the likelihood of success and proportionality planks -- that new circumstances might develop that make war unjust. Consider, for example, these recent reports that Iran has moved troops into Iraq and that the war might be fought without a Northern front if Turkey sticks to its guns and the U.S. doesn't seek a second U.N. resolution (or offer the aid package Turkey wants). Without Turkey in an alliance, you can expect the Kurds to push for an independent state for the Northern territories, something bound to spur protests and tension from Turkey and Iran. My point isn't to suggest that any of these facts are the smoking gun that kills the pro-war position. But it is worth noting that just war analysis cannot be a one-time calculus. Stories like these should go to our re-evaluation of whether success and proportionality don't argue against war.
Wednesday, February 12, 2003
Before I Leave For My Business Trip
Let me bring to your attention to the Association of Students at Catholic Colleges and their blog. I received an email from their President, Tom Harmon, who asked if I could put the word out. It looks like a good endeavor, and as I owe much of my growth in faith to Protestant campus organizations, I'm eager to support Catholic ones. That said, I do wonder if a bit of a glut is forming. Besides ASCC, there is Fellowship of Catholic University Students and Compass, a group I was briefly involved in getting started. (I just noticed that they have redone their website and the materials I wrote for them "Resources For Law Students" is gone. So the link to the left is broken for now.) Maybe these groups could all benefit from some interaction.
Monday, February 10, 2003
Last War Post For Now
For those of you who follow Integrity -- are there any such people these days? -- you know that I've been thinking about this just war question a lot. Same today. In part, because I've been wondering if I was too testy in an email to Emily Stimpson and over on Mark Shea's site earlier today. If I was, I apologize to both of them.
But I've been bothered by a trend that I've seen recently. When talk of a conflict with Iraq began, most of St. Blog's, I would say, approached the idea with caution. There was a flurry of debate then around the unilateral question. But you got the impression that everyone saw this as a difficult question. Now that many are convinced that war is necessary (not everyone is making the argument that it meets just war standards, but most are), some have lost sight that, although the case that Saddam is a bad man and an oppressive dictator may be overwhelming, the case for war against Saddam (especially invasion and regime change) isn't cut and dry. I readily recognize that my doubts about whether action would be just may be wrong. Why pro-war types can't do the same is baffling to me.
So when several people, including some bloggers I respect quite a bit, took the "I can't believe you aren't convinced!" approach to responding to me or took a cheap shot like Mark's comment that the idiocy of war opponents is a compelling argument for the pro-war side, frustration grew. (As an aside, I recognize Mark was being sarcastic. There are plenty of idiots on the anti-war side. I don't deny that. But how long do you think it would take me on google to find a group advocating that we raze or nuke Bagdahd? Idiocy isn't limited to one side of this.) Frankly, even if I was for the war, I would think that it was part of my Catholic duty, in pursuing and hoping for peace, to seriously consider arguments against the war. You don't have to be convinced by them.
Other examples have bugged me. Take this piece by David Frum. Scroll down to the description of Jessica Matthews' alternative to invasion, which is a combination of limited military strikes and increased diplomatic and inspection efforts. Here's Frum's "analysis":
Saddam stays in power forever; we bomb and strafe Iraq forever. We’d inflict hundreds, maybe thousands of Iraqi civilian casualties – present ourselves to the Arab world as an imperialist power of occupation – and all without loosening Saddam’s grip on power, without offering the Iraqi people any hope for a better life, and without discrediting Saddam-style radical Arab politics. Mathews has brilliantly managed to find a way for the United States to suffer every single one of the risks and disadvantages of an Iraq war – while forgoing any hope of gaining any of the benefits of victory. If this is the best alternative (and it almost certainly is), then let the invasion begin!"How convenient. He just assumes that every bad result that could happen will. I could do the same about an invasion and a regime change. For once, I would like some who take a pro-war/invasion/regime-change position admit that we are all speculating about the consequences that will flow. It seems unfair to grant every positive result when talking about invasion but assume every negative one for other options. Stopping short of regime change and invasion hardly constitutes appeasement or inaction. Who said that we should be sitting on our hands if we don't invade?
Of course, today Novak's piece was published. Personally, I was disappointed . I had been hoping he would give me a nugget that I hadn't heard yet to get me over my question about the imminence prong. He didn't. It was well written, but nothing new.
I think Robert Gotcher captures it right in his summary of Novak's argument, which is basically what I discussed in my post on "The Nuclear Question" below: the hypothetical possibility that Saddam could attack us with WMD, because of the vast amount of damage that that would inflict, outweighs the fact that our evidence (i) isn't clear on how close Saddam is to actually having WMD and (ii) is based on broad assumptions and speculation that Saddam would use such weapons if he had them. Now maybe this is all fine in the case of Saddam. But I'm looking for some principles for accepting that rationale and understanding where the brakes are in the system now being proposed for determining whether the threatened damage is grave, lasting, and certain. Maybe it's in all the little bits that people littany about how evil Saddam is. Clearly, there is something about his regime and how close he may be to achieving WMD that is making people overlook that they are advocating overthrowing another nation's government by force on a speculative harm (as serious as it might be). But can you articulate the case succintly so we can apply the principle to the next situation?
Sunday, February 09, 2003
The Nuclear Question
I've reflected some on my discussions of yesterday with "Bobbert" (see entry below) and on this article by George Weigel. In that article, Weigel reflects on what constitutes reaching the "last resort" when dealing with the threat of nuclear attack.
I think Weigel makes a very valid point when he suggests that if “last resort” "is to have real meaning for statesmen, just war theorists can’t think of 'last resort' mathematically, as the terminus of a potentially infinite sequence of possibilities." I wholeheartedly agree. It is part of what I find completely bothersome with much of European diplomatic efforts. It isn't that they are more cautious and the U.S. too cavalier about the prospects of war. In reality, they tend to come across as incapable of recognizing practical limitations to diplomatic efforts. Even just war theory as captured by the Catechism doesn't ignore this, for it says that all other means must have been shown to be impractical or inneffective. In my view, that doesn't mean that we must try everything and have it all fail. It leaves room for a judgement, based on the significant diplomatic endeavors that have been tried, for a reasonable person to conclude that further efforts are not going to result in success. I agree with all of that.
Weigel makes a more interesting argument later in the article. Speaking about the Israeli operation to destroy Iraq's Osiraq nuclear reactor in 1981, Weigel writes:
"The moral and political rationale Israel’s leaders gave for acting when they did is also worth pondering. In circumstances like this, the Israelis argued, “last resort” cannot mean waiting until after the Iraqis have a nuclear weapon, and then trying to prevent their using it when they’re about to do so. Failure under those circumstances is too awful to risk. Therefore, the Israelis argued, when one is dealing with a man like Saddam Hussein, a regime like Iraq’s (in which there is no internal constraint on the dictator’s will), nuclear weapons (or other weapons of mass destruction), and ballistic missiles (or possible use of the weapons by terrorists), “last resort” is reached at the point where there is no option left but to forcibly deny the aggressor the possibility of obtaining the weapons, before he gets them."Essentially, this was the argument that "Bobbert" was making yesterday. It's a nonproliferation argument only, given that there are already countries we don't like that possess nuclear technology and a definite threat of its sale to others or terrorists (which we may or may not be able to stop). The argument says, however, that when it comes to certain regimes preemption before they obtain the bomb is necessary because either (1) there's sufficient evidence that they will use it if they get it or (2) the damage that will result is so great that it outweighs even a small probability that the weapon would be used.
Now, clearly this doesn't circumvent the imminence requirement altogether. If the circumstances in 1981 weren't that the French were so close to having Osiraq nuclear reactor on-line for Iraq, but that they were teaching Iraqi scientists nuclear physics at Bagdahd University, I doubt Weigel would be offering up the Israeli attack as a possible example of a just war action. However, what Weigel does suggest, as did "Bobbert", is that the magnitude of damage that a nuclear bomb can cause suggests that intent to use isn't critical to establishing imminence or can be imputed from the nature of the regime. Naturally, I'm not entirely comfortable with this, because it is getting further and further away from objective evidence for the threat to subjective evaluations of the threat based on broadly drawn assumptions. And it brings us more and more into the realm of a hypothetical threat (because the weaponry hasn't been achieved yet) and out of the realm of an existing threat. But there is a point to be had in this.
My question is this: how would you determine that you are dealing with such a regime? Give me more than just something like "led by a dictator". Weigel offers some ideas, but I would like to see what others come up with. Certainly, some moral theologians had to have said something useful to this during all the years of the Cold War. We may be in a new era in some terms, but nuclear weaponry wasn't invented yesterday.
Similarly, I would like to know what weapons would you be willing to accept this "before acquisition" rationale? Just nuclear weapons? Biological and chemical? Dirty Bomb? High quantities of C-4?
Let me know your thoughts.
P.S. Bobbert, if you are reading this, feel free to drop me an e-mail. Given that we work in the same field, I wouldn't mind saying hello without the pseudonyms.
Saturday, February 08, 2003
These Questions Aren't Easy
Mark Shea's blog has been having a pretty active discussion of the impending Iraq war at this comments box. Just to show how there are serious arguments on both sides I thought I would post some links to an exchange between "Bobbert" and myself:
Here are the some ten posts in their chronological order. Not easy to say where the stronger argument rests. Both of us are attempting to find the right path through this. In the end, probably a stark reminder of why not to place your trust in this world, because it is ultimately fleeting.
On The Impending War With Iraq
A lot of discussion has been happening around St. Blog's about the impending war with Iraq. (Yes, although I am hopeful it can still be avoided, I suspect military action will start in March.) Apparently, I am in the distinct minority in not being convinced that this war action would be just.
Notice I said just. I didn't say inevitable, necessary, or any of the other words that I've seen floated around. It is my view that if you can't get over the "just" hurdle, then you don't get to the rest of the question.
I have seen a lot of bad reasoning out there, and some sloppy reasoning by people I respect. This is a prudential matter, so I recognize there will be disagreement. But at least be clear about why you are convinced that war against Iraq now would be just. You aren't convincing otherwise. Personally, I think the best way to talk about war is by using the tools of just war theory, both because it is a Catholic perspective recognized by the Church and helps focus one's thoughts and avoid kitchen-sink, gestalt-style arguments.
For those not familiar with the principles of just war theory, here's a summary of the Catechism's presentation:
Now, before we continue let me state that the proper authority for making the prudential judgment that these conditions have been met "belongs to the prudential judgment of those who have responsibility for the common good." That is, in this country, the President and the Congress. (People -- and our government -- tend to ignore that constitutional sticking point.) So I readily admit that at the end of the day, even though I might not see the evidence for action against Iraq meeting these criteria, the President and the Congress might. This might be due to them having more evidence at their disposal or just legitimate differences in the weight that we give to the different pieces of evidence.
Some have suggested that I should trust Bush on this -- he was elected to make these hard decisions for us -- and not be too serious about my analysis. That would be okay if at the end of the day (a) Bush wasn't asking me to support his decision to wage war and (b) I didn't have the responsibility for evaluating Bush's judgment in this matter and how it reflects on a judgment as to whether I should support him for re-election. To take my duties seriously, I need to know how I would analyze the evidence, albeit recognizing that there may be some legitimate grey areas in which reasonable people can reach different prudential conclusions.
To me, people let the fact that they are not the governmental authority let them off the hook of thinking things through. These aren't easy matters. It isn't a 2+2=4 situation. Judgment calls need to be made and based on imperfect information. A lot of people are uncomfortable doing that. So they just avoid the tough questions.
So, here's my view of things based on just war theory. My stumbling block is on the question of imminence. I recognize the reality of Saddam's regime. Although I hate arguments based on bad man characterizations, I fully recognize that Saddam's regime is oppressive and that his pursuit of weapons of mass destruction is scary. I suspect Saddam is friendly with terrorists and willing to use terrorists to accomplish his goals. But I haven't seen the evidence to demonstrate that the U.S. is facing an imminent threat that is impractical to address through other means.
There is a reason why the Catechism asks for a lasting, grave and certain threat. It recognizes that the world is fallen and that there will always be threats to nations. I've heard a lot of comments that 9/11 has changed the world. Nonsense. It has only changed our awareness of the real state of the world. Too many people have lived under the illusion that because something hasn't happened it can't happen. Many still do, not capable of imagining the U.S. as anything but a Superpower that the rest of the world fears to challenge. The other competing illusion is the idea that there is something akin to perfect safety. No matter how many security measures we put in place, no matter how many terrorists we arrest or wars we prosecute, we will never be able to eliminate every threat. This shouldn't mean we accept defeat or avoid doing what we can do to mitigate threats, but it does mean we should be realistic about what we can accomplish and let that enter our analysis of when war is justified.
Yes, assymetric warfare and nuclear proliferation change the amount of damage that small groups, unassociated with a specific country, can cause. But to say that this makes just war theory obsolete is to avoid the moral questions altogether. Personally, I accept the rationale that a preemptive war can be legitimately defensive if targeted against threatened aggression. However, it also poses problems. By demanding war be defensive, we can rely on some objective measures for determining the truthfulness of a country's claim that their actions were defensive. Was war declared upon them? Were they attacked? Was an opposing army on an invasion path? When you move into the preemptive realm, you find yourself in a realm more prone to pretext and disguise. Is aggression really threatened? To me, the concerns about the first point of just war theory are heightened in modern times not lessened. People also need to understand the difference between an imagined or hypothetical threat and an actual threat. One asks if the scenario is possible. The other asks how probable is the scenario. If you are a pro-war advocate, make sure you are focusing on the latter.
Going back to the question of imminence, I just haven't seen the evidence for it with regard to Iraq right now. North Korea, China, former Yugoslavia, Iran, Syria and others are threats. North Korea is actively telling us that it is developing a nuclear program. It is widely known as one of the biggest sores in the battle against nuclear proliferation, with its No-Dong missiles and willingness to arm anyone for a buck. The former Yugoslavia is now a major proliferation problem too with their technology and military experts selling their services. (Speculation exists about links to Iraq too.) China's internal military leaders haven't been shy about their view that war with the U.S. is coming. Iran and Syria both have significant terrorism connections. They are all threats, but in each of those cases we don't see them as significant enough or imminent enough to justify war (or, possibly, that war against them would be too difficult or unsucessful). But Iraq is treated differently and for the life of me I don't see where the evidence establishes why they are such a threat to us now that policies of containment and embargo, etc., cannot address.
The U.S's argument has been based on pursuit of WMD and a distrust of Saddam. I readily agree that this is troubling, but I wonder where the imminence is in this. We have WMD, so the possession of them alone can't be the basis or we are laying the groundwork for justifying action against us. To me it's unclear whether we are really saying it's a problem with respect to Iraq on the basis of what we know he intends to do with those weapons versus that we don't like his regime and would be happier if he didn't have them. At the end of the day, there will be regimes that we don't like that have nuclear weapons. (There already are.) We need to lean more towards basis in reasonable predictions of action if we are going to avoid creating a case for ideologically based preemptive strikes. Assume Saddam has WMD. Is it really an option for him to use them? Why is deterrence theory -- which we used with the Soviet Union -- not applicable to Saddam? Are we assuming he's an irrational actor and isn't deterred by what Israel would do to protect itself?
Al Qaeda link evidence helps me become more comfortable with the idea that war may be just. It isn't because of a guilt by association, but because we have significant evidence that Al Qaeda is an imminent and continuing threat to us. I'm glad to see that Powell presented some evidence of a link, but it was strikingly sparse. And he omitted troubling details such as the fact that the Al Qaeda presence in Iraq is in Kurdish territory. (I would say Kurdish-"controlled", but that somewhat overstates the reality of "rule" in that region of Iraq.) It's true that this faction seems to be pro-Saddam, but otherwise the fact that it is in territory that we argue isn't controlled by Saddam cuts against it as evidence for the war. Still, in my mind, this is the closest the administration has come to making a case for imminence. I'm just unwilling to stretch the "supporting and aiding" terrorists concept too far. Hopefully, we will see more evidence on this front. (Well, actually, I hope for peace, but if there is to be war, I hope for more convincing evidence that it is justified.)
But I'm willing to admit that I can be wrong in my analysis. Accordingly, I've tried to seek comfort by seeing pro-war types address the third and fourth points of just war theory: that success is likely and that war won't bring about greater evils. I've asked pro-war types to do three things: (1) define their goals with regard to Iraq (i.e., destruction of WMD, regime change, etc.); (2) define their war plan and how it accomplishes these goals; and (3) define their exit strategy (i.e., plans for sustained success over the long term). Unfortunately, no one is offering anything on this point. I have even been criticized for making the demand, being told that citizens shouldn't have to be war or diplomacy experts. This is silly. I'm not demanding that people prepare the Joint Chiefs battle plan for them, but all citizens should be thinking about these questions in general terms. To not do so is to avoid thinking about the consequences of their decision to support the war effort. It leaves things at the level of focusing on our fears and the dangers to us, with a generic "war solves" as the answer. Is it really that wrong to ask for definition of the goals of any war effort (so we can determine later when the mission has been achieved) and, if regime change is planned, hints at who will replace Saddam or how we will go about establishing a process for building a successor government?
Asking people to focus on these war-conduct and war-consequences points is not a ruse for saying that war with Iraq cannot be justified. It seems a reasonable request in response to definite concerns that we may not really be meeting the "imminence" prong. If we can't demonstrate a plan for how we can accomplish the battle with limited loss of life and damage to the region and mitigate the threats of Iraqi WMD and establish a sustainable friendly regime in Iraq, should we really ignore the signs that maybe the threat is too ambiguous right now to justify invasion? I worry that people don't want to address these questions because they don't want to expose how much of their reason for supporting the war effort isn't based on any of the just war theory points but on the basis that they don't expect many U.S. casualties in the battle portion of the war and Saddam has been demonized (albeit understandably so). I can make two comments on that point that I think are fairly indisputable: (1) just as we learned from the Gulf War, so did Saddam -- it will be more bloody, even if still overwhelmingly in our favor; (2) winning the war-phase of the battle isn't ultimate victory. Long-term success seems unclear to me. If regime change is the goal, who will replace Saddam? Most focus on the Kurds, but they are a minority, there are various factions (some with links to Al Qaeda) and they raise concerns with respect to Turkey's interests in Iraq, which almost certainly are going to be part of some deal because we need Turkey's air bases. Same with Iran's interests and Syria's renewed common ties with Iraq. A path to a regime that we will like doesn't seem clear.
Two more points. When pushed a lot of pro-war types point to the benefits of liberation that would come to the Iraqi people. Yes, the Iraqi people would be better off without Saddam. If we were proposing to provide military help to Iraqi people in a just insurrection against an evil regime, I would probably be onboard the bandwagon. But can we admit that (a) that's not a correct characterization of the war as proposed, and (b) there are no public signs that there is a real rebel movement in place? If that changes over the coming weeks, I'd be all for that. But I am wary of arguments that rely entirely on the United States as a proxy for the citizens of Iraq wanting to overthrow Saddam. And, although I would be more comfortable with that rationale than the administration's current one from certain perspectives, it is a highly interventionist foreign policy and quite contrary to claims that we aren't in the nation-building business. Similarly, I've seen a lot of people focus on the agreements to cease the Gulf War and various UN resolutions. Fine. But let's recognize that not every contract should be enforced, in this case through war. And I think it is incumbent to demonstrate that the terms of those resolutions were just. Just because a nation lost a war doesn't mean it doesn't retain rights.
I invite those who are in favor of the war to try to address some of these concerns in the comment boxes below.
Wednesday, February 05, 2003
American Idol 2
Okay, I think I am going to have to start posting predictions, because the two that I figured would get through to the next round did: Julie DeMato and Charles Grigsby. For the record, I voted for Charles. He's got a great voice. Now how could anyone think that Kimberly would win over Julie. (Face facts, folks -- they both have good voices, but Julie has a bit more .. shall we say .. up front. Come on, you know it made a difference. Since when was pop music just about the voice?)
Wednesday, January 29, 2003
I Never Knew Daytime TV Was ...
I've been home sick the past two days. (Of course, with my job that doesn't mean the work stops.) It appears the party-favor of choice at a friend's Super Bowl party was a virus. Anyway, after my deal closed earlier today, I turned on the television to watch some tv and wandered over to the Discovery Channel's Perfect Partner. Can't say I have ever heard this on tv before. In describing one of her date's the woman said, "He was involved in a polygamous marriage. So this is interesting, I've never dated someone into polygamy before." Hello!!!
Wednesday, January 22, 2003
How Feminists Were Duped By Roe v. Wade
Many today will write about the tragedy of the many unborn children who lose their lives because of abortions. But there is another aspect to the abortion debate that has always puzzled me. I have never been able to understand how abortion rights became the sacred cow for feminism. It seems entirely antithetical given that at the heart of all that is uniquely female is the ability to give birth to new life. I have long maintained the opinion that the feminist movement was hoodwinked. Wanting society to recognize the equal dignity of women, somewhere someone secretly slipped the poison of abortion into feminist thought with the lie that it would be the final hurdle to achieving that hard-fought goal. In truth, abortion has always seemed to me a boom for male culture. At its core, abortion says this to women: if you want to have the same opportunities as men, then become like men. Don’t believe it? Ask some professional women you know whether anyone ever made comments about their pregnancies (multiple children – the outrage!) affecting their chances for promotion. (No, I’m not talking about the boss saying he won’t promote a mother. I’m talking about the peer culture, especially among other professional women.) Abortion allows the male culture of corporate America to not have to face challenges to its workaholic and anti-family choices – we live in the Nanny generation -- that would inherently result from truly allowing women as women to enter the arena.
Wednesday, December 18, 2002
Thoughts On Boston
Up to now I have resisted posting any thoughts on Cardinal Law's resignation. For the most part, what is there to be said that hasn't been said countless times before? (Some bloggers should take note of that.) But the recent ridicule inflicted on Kairos Guy by G. Popcak has prompted some thoughts. Karios Guy, clearly expressing the frustration of a man who finds himself at ground zero, scolded St. Blog's for the self-rightous and venomous attitude many have expressed with regard to the Archdiocese of Boston's hierarchy and its rank and file.
It would be a wonderful treat to visit St. Blog's one day and see no scandal-related posts. No, I'm not talking about burying one's head in the sand. But there is something clearly unhealthy with the obsession over news and commentary (if you can call it that) on the scandal. For example, each and every day, Amy Welborn and others dutifully post all the latest news articles on the scandal, with some comment of how depressing or angering this latest bit of news is. Why? I mean at this point, are we really learning anything new? Yes, someone needs to keep track of and account for the full scope of the scandal. But average Joe Catholic? It seems almost masochistic; after reading a dozen letters praising the service of wrongdoing priests, do you really need to read the next one? I think there are a fair number of Catholics who don't want to admit that they don't know what to do next and they take some comfort -- even if it is painful -- in renewing the pain of the scandal each day by being able to focus it on someone else: Bishop A or Bishop B. Other otherwise worthwhile bloggers have let their writing devolve to downright name-calling and insults of the bishops. Calling for accountability and calling someone a "moron" or a diocese a "moral cesspool" are not the same thing. Comments such as "Oh, but I respect the office" or "I'm praying about this" are thrown in to be sure, but become difficult to take at face value based on what the blogger usually writes in the next sentence. The reality is that for many bloggers Law has never been a man but a symbol. In politics, there are those who look at it as a game or sport and those who take it seriously as a duty and an act of service. But both engage in political talk often as a sport or pasttime. Over the years, I've learned that discussing and commenting on the Catholic faith becomes a substitute for some. More often than not, these tend to be people who are fairly serious about the faith, but they sometimes lose sight of the distinction between talking about the faith and living it.
Update: I'm not sure if G. Popcak was referring to Integrity, but I have to assume he was in part given that the questions he quotes are the ones I raised above. As I said above, I'm not calling for people to bury their heads in the sand. But I am asking people to approach the scandal with more wisdom. Greg, it is simply not true that healing cannot begin until we know every last detail. And the great danger with becoming obsessed with the pain (which is what I criticized, not the mere acknowledgment or examination of it) is that you forget that in looking at the pain your purpose is to overcome it, not succumb to it. Just as some want to forget pain, others equally seem to want to forget hope.
Monday, November 25, 2002
You Know You're A Lions Fan When ...
... you turn on the game in the third quarter, see that the Lions are up by ten, and know -- with complete certainty -- that the Lions are going to lose the game. There has never existed an NFL team with greater skill at finding ways to lose football games than the Lions. If M&M (the GM and the Coach) didn't already deserve the axe at the end of the season based on the team's performance under their tenure, this game certainly changed that. It is impossible to understand Mornhinweg's end of game decisions. First, after winning the coin toss, he decides to elect to defend the endzone with favorable wind rather than to receive the football. Even I know that the key to winning football is to control the clock and that you do that with ball possession (read: offense). Mornhinweg felt he was taking advantage of the wind and that the Bears would take a bad punt or miss a tough field goal, giving the Lions the ball in good field possession. The realists among us see a few problems with this: (1) momentum -- the Bears had reestablished their offensive rhythm; and (2) no secondary -- the Lions defense couldn't stop my Grandma from scoring a touchdown (and had, in fact, just let the Bears score 10 points in the last minutes of the 4th quarter to force overtime). Then to top things off, when the Bears face a fourth and nine, and the choice of punting or trying a 53 yard field goal into the wind, Mornhinweg then decides that the wind wasn't all that much of an advantage and accepts (rather than declining) a Bears penalty, pushing the Bears even further out of field goal range but giving them another down to try and make something happen. I could forgive this decision if: (1) it didn't contradict the only possible (albeit weak) justification for not electing to receive the ball at the beginning of OT, and (2) if it weren't the Lions he was sending onto the field to prevent the Bears from taking advantage of that extra down. But, hey, I'm a Lions fan. If I'm not used to this yet ......
Saturday, November 16, 2002
I just got back from the movies. Yes, I went to see 8 Mile. I know, some of you won't approve and may frown at my love for rap music. (My music tastes are very ecclectic and run the gamut.) Eminem's lyrics may be horrid at times, but there is no denying his skills. But I didn't go to see the film because of Eminem. I went because it was filmed in Detroit. Movies haven't been kind to Detroit, taking advantage of its woes and mythologizing it as hell on Earth. 8 Mile is far kinder, without denying the reality of Detroit's past and present. I wonder how many people who see the film won't understand the 313 and 810 references. (City and suburb area codes.) I've lived in both. Most won't recognize the lobby of the Penobscot (the WJLB scene), Intermezzo in Harmonie Park, or the Michigan Theater parking structure, which was the site of an impromptu battle. That was particularly cool to see in the film. I used to live right across the street from there! If you are interested in some of the archictecture and history of Detroit, check out the DetroitYES website. Go ahead, take one of DetroitYES's tours. You just might find yourself doubting what you ever knew about Detroit.
Wednesday, November 06, 2002
For the first time in my life I feel some relief that I don't live in Michigan. Strange feeling given that it is my birthplace and beloved home. For those who don't know anything about Michigan politics, Granholm's election was no surprise. She led in polls from start to finish. Frankly, most expected her to win by more. And Michigan has never been a Republican state. Engler was somewhat unique, but his base was never thought to be transferable. And the timing couldn't have been better for Granholm. She was elected to a statewide office several years ago and was able to run for an open governor seat. Everyone knew she ran for State AG for the purpose of having a state-wide office from which to launch a campaign for governor in a state democratic party starving for leadership. (After all, they ran Feiger last time.)
I had the opportunity to meet and talk with Granholm shortly after she was elected to State AG. Partly because of our shared HLS connection. It was patently obvious within seconds that she was going to be a force in Michigan politics and knew it. She's smart, engaging, enthusiastic, and personable. Pretty, young, and female. Truly dedicated to the idea of public service. (And don't discount the importance of her husband.) Too bad she is wrong on the issues. But it is going to take a similar suited candidate to defeat her. The Republicans need to understand that. All said, though, she doesn't walk into the greatest of situations. Michigan (like all shrinking population, industrial Midwest states) has some serious problems.
P.S. She's not eligible to run for President. I would predict a grooming to take Levin's Senate seat should he decide to retire someday.
P.P.S. In other news -- and unimportant to probably all who read this site --, my one-time college student government foe, Richard Bernstein, won his campaign for a seat on the Wayne State University's Board of Governors. Rick's an intriguing character. Oh the stories I could tell.